The horizon is not so far as we can see, but as far as we can imagine

Postliberalism, Liberal Apogee, Routine Elite Failure and Then?

I was alerted to Nathan Pinkoski’s “Actually Existing Postliberalism,” by N.S. Lyons’ response “The Post-Cold War Apotheosis of Liberal Managerialism,” and enjoyed both tremendously.

Pinkosi’s piece is an excellent short history of the public-private partnership currently aiming for absolute global cultural control via the weaponization of finance that he calls postliberalism.

I thought it would be fun to excerpt all the times Antony Blinken’s name appears in the piece.

First mention:

When Bill Clinton took office, he continued the pursuit of openness. In 1993, he ratified NAFTA and relaxed the ban on homosexuals in the military. However, he made it clear that the old liberalism was not enough. Eager to extend the reach of democracy and confront foreign enemies who stood in its way, his administration developed new tools to advance America’s global power. In September, National Security Advisor Anthony Lake outlined a new paradigm. His speech, “From Containment to Enlargement,” bespeaks a political revolution. It provided the blueprint not only for the foreign policy agenda of nearly every U.S. president since then, but for the convictions of every right-thinking person. Lake’s speechwriter was Anthony (sic) Blinken.

Second mention:

After Biden was sworn in as president, his administration shelved a plan to overhaul sanctions policy. A consensus held that if the kinks of the past could be worked out, then the Americans and Europeans had all the weapons in place to launch a devastating financial first strike against their preferred targets. Planning began in the first year of the new administration, with Secretary Blinken’s State Department taking the lead. So by February 2022, just as the Russian invasion of Ukraine faltered, the arrangements were already in place. The strategic possibilities seemed limitless. Russia could be brought to its knees; Putin would follow in the ignominious footsteps of ­Milosevic and Gaddafi.

The execution of the strike was dazzling. The scale, especially the involvement of SWIFT and the targeting of Russia’s central bank, caught the Kremlin by surprise. It was ­Barbarossa for the twenty-­first century. Yet the first strike did not yield the promised results. Nor did the second, third, or fourth. Putin’s approval ratings soared, Russia’s industrial output increased, and its military continues to grind away at the Ukrainian army. Despite implementing nearly 6,000 sanctions in two-plus years, the euphoria of spring 2022 (let alone that of the holiday parties of 2011) is long gone. Although American policymakers have said again and again that they have mobilized a global coalition against Russia that has left the country isolated, that is not the case. The map of the countries that have imposed sanctions on Russia closely resembles the map of the countries that have legalized same-sex marriage. Economic warfare against Russia has exposed the limits of the global American empire.

Lyons applauds Pinkoski’s essay but rejects the notion that this is a revolution against liberalism — instead, it is its apogee.

Sadly, he doesn’t mention Blinken, but he does elaborate on the frightening ambition of this movement:

The managerial ideal is the perfect frictionless mass of totally liberated (that is, totally deracinated and atomized) individuals, totally contained within the loving arms of the singular unity of the managerial state. To achieve its utopia of perfect liberty and equality, liberalism requires perfect control.

This ideal is, of course, the very essence of totalitarianism. Yet if we wonder why the distinction between public and private has everywhere collapsed into “the fusion of state and society, politics and economics,” this is the most fundamental reason why. Perhaps, for that matter, this is also why the U.S. and EU now habitually sponsor LGBT groups in Hungary or India, and finance human-trafficking “human rights” NGOs in Central America and the Mediterranean: because managerialism’s blind crusade to crush any competing spheres of social power has gone global.

In response, a comforting tonic from The Archdruid, John Michael Greer at Ecosophia, whose reader “Dave” asks him:

I’ve noticed a growing and extremely worrying trend of the “elites” of politics and entertainment pursuing reckless and (to me) clearly wrong courses of actions that blow up in their faces, and then instead of honestly looking at the situation they’ve had a large hand in creating and doing a mea culpa, either doubling down and getting mad at regular people when they’re less keen to do what the elites tell them, or trying something else without ever really honestly accounting for their mistakes. The actions remind me of signs of elite collapse that this blog has talked about for years now and it’s very surreal and worrying to see happening in real time. What is going on and why can’t the “elites”, the people with access to more data and resources and advisers than anyone else, seem to realize what’s going wrong? Do they not care or are their actions part of a larger plan, not to sound conspiratorial?

Greer’s response was just what I needed to hear:

Dave, I don’t think that it’s any kind of plan. Quite the contrary, this is normal elite failure, the thing that comes right before an elite replacement crisis. Just as the capitalist elite of the 1920s crashed and burned, and was replaced by a managerial elite in the 1930s and 1940s, the managerial elite of the 2010s is crashing and burning, and will be replaced by an entrepreneurial elite in the 2020s and 2030s. The entitled cluelessness of a class that has remained in power too long is a familiar thing; comparisons to French aristocrats just before the French Revolution also come to mind.

Although, honestly if this means that Elon Musk and company are going to win what Chris Hedges calls “The Choice Between Corporate and Oligarchic Power”eek!

Kamala Harris, anointed by the richest Democratic Party donors without receiving a single primary vote, is the face of corporate power. Donald Trump is the buffoonish mascot for the oligarchs. This is the split within the ruling class. It is a civil war within capitalism played out on the political stage. The public is little more than a prop in an election where neither party will advance their interests or protect their rights.

And what do the oligarchs want?

Warlord capitalism seeks the total eradication of all impediments to the accumulation of profits including regulations, laws and taxes. It makes its money by charging rent, by erecting toll booths to every service we need to survive and collecting exorbitant fees.

Trump’s cohort of Silicon Valley backers, led by Elon Musk, were what The New York Times writes, “finished with Democrats, regulators, stability, all of it. They were opting instead for the freewheeling, fortune-generating chaos that they knew from the startup world.” They planned to “plant devices in people’s brains, replace national currencies with unregulated digital tokens, [and] replace generals with artificial intelligence systems.”

As much as I eagerly anticipate the long-overdue fall of our current elite, I truly dread what’s coming up in their wake.

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5 Comments

  1. Purple Library Guy

    There seems to be a lot of nonsense in the first two pieces, and a certain amount in the last one.
    Right from the get-go, we have “Twentieth-century civilization has collapsed. It rested on an essential tenet of liberalism: the state-society, public-private distinction.” Really?

    Sure, liberal theorists might have talked about such distinctions, but they were never that solid in real life. And indeed, it might be argued that one of the causes of the collapse of our political institutions is precisely the STRENGTHENING of state-society distinctions; where once civic participation by citizens in the workings of the state was quite important, market-driven atomization of the public, re-creating them as consumers, has made society much more separate and estranged from the state than ever before.

    Then he says “Cancel culture IS ­corporate and academic culture.” No it isn’t, that’s stupid. Cancel culture is, first of all, as old as the hills. Ostracizing people that gossip paints poorly probably goes back to the dawn of language. In modern urban living it had ebbed for a while just because social networks had not fully adapted to the size of modern populations. But now, with social media, the social networks are more equal to the task, and social faux pas or actual objectionable behaviour are often done in forms that are persistent. When you can point to the offending social act, when it’s right there in print, outrage does not dissipate in the uncertainty of he said/she said. It’s an organic phenomenon coming out of social interactions. And it is as common among the anti-intellectual anti-woke right as it is among the identity-cataloguing liberal woke youth. It happens in corporate and academic settings, sure, but they don’t drive it. Anyone with a kid in their teens to twenties would know this.

    Then we get to “The state has not been suborned by economic interests. Rather, political interests have come wholly to dominate economic and financial interests, fusing state and society together.” What on earth? Yeah, pull the other one, it has bells on. Is this an American talking? The place with politics controlled by money, the Supreme Court controlled by plutocrats and duly delivering decisions like Citizens United, where the most important political movement in the country is a fascist-lite movement created and controlled by oligarchs for the purpose of destroying policies dangerous to their profits such as whatever is left of taxation of the wealthy, action to transition from fossil fuels, inconvenient public health lockdowns, and anti-racist ideas that could threaten the maintenance of economic underclasses and useful division in the working class. Give me a break.

    Then he starts telling a weird story about international institutions which supposedly say something about the dominance of the political over the economic. None of it seems to me to do that, and I think where he goes deeply wrong is encapsulated in this: “Neutral institutions, particularly financial ones, have been weaponized to serve political ends.” What neutral institutions would those be then? The institutions were always there to serve ends . . . and you could call those ends “political” but they were about where money would flow. If the point is to collar the world’s resources for cheap, is that political or economic? Again, further on he talks about how American financial might is put into the service of politics . . . but he totally misses that the politics it is put into the service of, is largely the politics of doing stuff for American transnational corporations.

    Then he says “The critics of neoliberalism recall the nineties as a time of idealistic, even naive commitment to economic cooperation.” What? I’m a critic of neoliberalism, I recall it as no such thing. Neoliberalism, in its globalized free trade facet, was all about creating races to the bottom in terms of cheapening labour and cutting environmental, safety and financial regulation, not to mention taxes. It was about juicing profits by enabling the moving of production to places with low wages, loose regulation and low taxes, or forcing the lowering of those things by the threat of movement. The idea was to give capital the power of mobility, conferring a key advantage in disputes with stationary states and only slowly movable labour. Idealistic my ass. And I’m far from alone in this assessment; the anti-WTO demonstrations and riots of the late 90s were all about exactly that evaluation. Apparently this guy wasn’t around for the Battle in Seattle.

    He has some good points about the ability to use sanctions and get banks to co-operate with them in a way that was never really possible before, and the extension of this to the ability to put financial pressure on individuals. But I don’t think that makes a fundamental break with the past, it’s just a new capability in an old game. Before that there was the blockade of Cuba, McCarthyism, and Nixon’s War on Drugs, which was designed to target blacks and the students of the New Left.

    Finally, occasionally the article refers to various things about gays, in ways that never quite get around to connecting the dots. But there’s a general impression that gays having rights is somehow part of this “post-liberal” schtick. That seems unlikely . . . liberalism is all about equal (negative) rights for everyone. It’s just that for a long time, in practice “liberal” states would make a few exceptions, like for gays. Over time, this hypocrisy has come to seem less and less tenable, while the motivations for bashing gays in the first place lost force. They were based in religion and small-community cohesion at the expense of certain designated outsiders. As religion declined and small communities worried about cohesion came to represent less and less of the population, giving gays a hard time lost social importance, while corporate interests had no real reason to exclude people who were just as good consumers as anyone else. Anyway, gay rights is absolutely a liberalism thing and I don’t really understand why the author of the article seems to have some kind of weird bee in their bonnet about it.

    Sorry, but I really don’t have much respect for this article. I can agree that there are bad things going down and that there’s authoritarianism happening, but the whole analysis of why and who it serves seems to me totally out to lunch.

    Maybe if I have the energy I’ll tackle the other articles.

  2. Nate Wilcox

    @Purple Library Guy this part “He has some good points about the ability to use sanctions and get banks to co-operate with them in a way that was never really possible before, and the extension of this to the ability to put financial pressure on individuals.”

    That’s pretty much my sole source of interest in the Pinkoski piece.

    Plus it points out Blinken’s role in the use/abuse of those techniques from the beginning to their Waterloo against Russia and how enthusiastically they were expanded by the Bush administration until their peak in the Obama era.

  3. Nate Wilcox

    and as for “The critics of neoliberalism recall the nineties as a time of idealistic, even naive commitment to economic cooperation.” — these guys are clearly coming at this from the (far) right so it should be expected that their perspectives on some things are going to be pretty Bizarro World to those of us coming from the left.

  4. Dan Kelly

    ‘As much as I eagerly anticipate the long-overdue fall of our current elite, I truly dread what’s coming up in their wake.’

    Chris Hedges – who lives a very comfortable life in Princeton, NJ and has a Swiss Passport – has repeatedly told us over the years that the plans for Palestine are the plans for all of us. In varying degrees, anyway.

    Palestine is the laboratory.

    So, in that vein, there’s this:

    Israel sets in motion plan for Gaza concentration camps run by CIA-trained mercenaries

    ‘The US security firm, GDC, plans to establish “humanitarian bubbles” in Gaza. The Israeli army will be tasked with “clearing” any such bubble of Hamas fighters and erecting a separation wall around it within 48 hours.

    Entry to these compounds will be prohibited except for residents who live in the neighborhood and submit to biometric identification.
    Regarding the plan, US journalist Dan Cohen reports that “the Biden administration has approved the deployment of 1,000 CIA-trained private mercenaries as part of a joint US-Israeli plan to turn Gaza’s apocalyptic rubble scape into a high-tech dystopia.”

    GDC is headed by Israeli-US businessman Moti Kahane, who worked with Israeli intelligence during the war on Syria to supply extremist so-called rebel groups seeking to topple the government of President Bashar al-Assad.’

    https://thecradle.co/articles/israel-sets-in-motion-plan-for-gaza-concentration-camps-run-by-cia-trained-mercenaries-report

    https://archive.ph/GErlr#selection-963.0-963.376

    ———————-

    Chris Hedges stated on Jimmy Dore’s show a few years back that he has a Swiss Passport. This was in response to Dore’s question: “Given what you do, do you ever fear for your life?”

    This is a question everyone should ask of all the prominent people in these spaces – including Dore himself, who I don’t pay any attention to anymore.

    The point is this: Hedges immediately scoffed and said, ‘Well, I have a Swiss Passport and a Canadian wife, so…’

    Hmmm. I wonder how Hedges got a Swiss Passport. Do they just hand them out to verbose formerly embedded ‘war correspondents?

    https://duckduckgo.com/?t=lm&q=is+it+hard+to+get+a+swiss+passport%3F&ia=web

    And isn’t Switzerland like a main player in all the capitalist/western/facist crap that Hedges allegedly deplores?

    You know, what with the BIS and all: https://archive.ph/3Q6A

    I’ve never heard Chris Hedges talk about the facist BIS. He just blusters on and on and on about generic ‘facism’ sans any pertinent detail.

    Why?

    Well anyway, we can all rest assured that when the sh*t hits the fan facist killer Hedges will be safe and sound, screwing his Canadian wife in safe-haven Switzerland.

    Perhaps he’ll send us all a postcard.

    ————————

    The best way to control any potentilal opposition is to lead it.

  5. Soredemos

    I think if one actually looks at the legacy families and firms you’ll find huge degrees of continuity stretching back many decades, and even centuries. Who actually owns what at the most basic level doesn’t change much, regardless of war, peace, or ‘revolution’. So forgive me for not being much persuaded by notions of great upheaval of the leadership classes.

    @Dan Kelly

    These schizoposts are always fascinating.

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